Contributed by Abdul-Rahman Zahzah

This text is dedicated to Maha, who gently held my hand and walked me thru the narrow streets and the old houses of 3ein Mreisseh, when we first met.

The sea
I remember the first time I saw the sea in 1926. I didn’t understand the dynamic nature of what appeared in front of me since I was a young static and eclectic figure. I could not sleep the first night; the waves embracing the rocks were too loud. But, with time, I got used to the discontinuity of the sound as it helped me sleep along with night birds and wild flowers.

The couple
I was getting used to the silence around me with minor interruptions. Then one day, a young newly-wed couple moved in. Younes, with a tall & skinny figure, was in his last year at the University studying Civil Engineering. Salwa, whose eyes were as blue as the façade view, has never been to the city before. I remember their first week of encounters; the tension, frustration, and lack of experience that flowed. But I could sense Love floating within the rooms, and I could feel it in the walls, as they seemed to know each other from before.

As the days passed, the knot in the relation began to untie, and we all lived beautiful days & nights. And what started as two people became seven souls, a few years later.

Noise
I wish I could go back to the early days: Younes & Salwa walking or dancing, other figures like me being shed around. Sound was what came from nature. Then suddenly, a weird four-wheel machine with an engine and tires started to make way on my street. It was horrible. Many of them started to show up, and soon the streets were getting wider. Again, another day, Younes brought a big rectangular box that he plugged in the wall. Instantly, music came out of it, and it was magic. The first time, I heard Abdel Wahab singing an old Sayyed Darwish mawwal, the walls shivered.

After a while, I had to adapt to the new noises: the cars, the children growing up, the radio, the telephone… Technology is loud.

Independence
That day I became officially Lebanese. I felt encircled & captive. I never understood frontiers beyond what nature had provided. There was a lot of movement around me that day. But the feeling was mixed between supporters of Independence and others who were wary of the division with a more natural geography. I remember Younes being mad, he went into the house and turned on the radio. He looked scared, and he thought it was going to be the beginning of trouble. Salwa did not understand the political event either, as her extended family lay on the other side of these new artificial fences.

The Nakba
One day Younes & Salwa moved all their sons & daughters into their bedroom and quickly rearranged the other 3 bedrooms along with a complete redecoration of the living space. I heard them say thru the kitchen walls that family friends from Haifa will be staying here for few weeks, as there was trouble in Palestine. I was present when the family arrived. They came on a boat to the port of Saida at first. They were ten people spreading over three generations. They were nice, and they were very lightly packed. I remember the little ten year old girl Nawal limping as she was hit with a small shrapnel that through her leg, during a sudden attack by a Zionist gang on civilians. She received all the care and attention, even from me. I watched her every night.

Then, the few weeks became few months, and the family decided to rent a small house in the city awaiting their return. I haven’t seen them since, and I don’t know if they have ever returned back to Haifa.

Salwa
Salwa suddenly became ill. The doctors could not help her at home, so they moved her to a hospital for a more accurate diagnosis. Few weeks later, Salwa passed away. She was 56 years old leaving five children and two grandchildren. She was a quiet woman. She lived most of her life within her head and inside her thoughts & dreams. She repressed all her feelings, since she never knew how to channel them. She devoted her life to her family and home. She was my true companion. Younes’ tears still mark the bedroom tiles.

Few weeks later, I found myself alone again, but filled with memories, children’s writings, posters, and the remains of musical waves on my walls.

No more lies: Destruction Everywhere
How can one forget the war years? Aren’t bullet holes on the façade and in the back enough souvenirs? Or the looting of old candlesticks, iron ornaments, Maurice chairs, and floor tiles? I tried to force the militia men out when they hijacked the house. War felt like rape of all structures.

Everything was different during those years; the street noise, the smell in the air, the breathing of humans, and the relations to space. The beautiful windows and balconies became open scary sources of death; they had to be closed. The little bathroom air opening became a favorite sniper spot. The sun didn’t make it in, and the sea became far away.

A new day!!!
They said a new day will arrive and wash away all the stains of the past days & nights, but I am still waiting for that day of the messiah. For now, I am a cracked façade with broken arches, and rotten wooden doors that lead to an empty envelope. Inside, I can only hear the reverberation of sad sounds of bad-blood-days and bomb-illuminated nights.

My last week: Demolition Everywhere
The grandsons of Younes know nothing about this house. They see a plot for market speculation, and millions of dollars for their security in a country that provides no security to its passport holders.

They think I am short; I am ugly, and out-dated. They say that the sea façade in Beirut no longer belongs to locals. They lost the sense of taste. I don’t blame them. They can barely taste food, how should they develop a taste for culture? I don’t blame them. They never lived here. The war broke the thread of attachment to this place that was never sealed back.

Today, as I listen through the vineyard, I am no longer an old house that materializes history and links the past with the present; but an entertainer for foreign investors and expatriates. I am a “charmante artiste” like the ones I used to hear going into the clubs of Zeytouneh long time ago. I am a heavy extra-addition on a land worth gold.

The grandsons of Younes told me that if I wear a green dress, many rich guys will get aroused and they would pay a lot of money for me. They forced me to wear this overall ghost-net green dress. They are telling me that it will be a rebirth in something more interesting and more profitable. But, for me, I don’t see new beginnings, it feels like death. And I don’t want to die. I have roots in the ground just like green trees.

The day before last, one of the inheritors came for one last look. He whispered inside: “I am not to blame for the go-down; I am a victim just like you are. I barely can provide for my family. Heritage & culture cannot be an individual choice that ultimately becomes a burden. It is a collective responsibility that I cannot carry alone. A piece of me is getting destroyed as well my dear.”

The concrete pulverizers & drills went into action quickly. At the first instance, I felt a huge pain, and then quickly I fell into complete silence and darkness.

Abdul-Rahman Zahzah
Beirut, between April 2010 & June 2011

This is coming from someone who has openly supported Hezbollah and admired its charismatic leader for as long as I can remember. What is it that he owes to the Syrian regime that he had to back-stab the Syrian people? Are they not part of our Ummah (nation), as he himself reiterates? Of course he knows that! Some have argued that he sold out his Syrian brothers and sisters for a greater cause for the Ummah, i.e. by defending the Syrian regime it would somehow, in the long term, prove to save more lives, in addition to our freedom and dignity. But to stand with a tyrannical regime, you have already forsaken all dignity and all freedom.

Nasrallah’s words show that he was aware that people would find it hard to buy his defense. At one point he stated that: “When we worry about Syria, we worry about its regime and about its people, not only the regime.” Also, he spent twenty minutes explaining the “components” that his position of support was based on.

In the first component, he talks about all the gratitude that the Lebanese (and all Arabs in general) owe to the Syrian regime for saving Lebanon from division and stopping the bloodiest civil war in its history. Of course, he conveniently disregards the fact that Syria was part of that civil war which it allegedly helped stop, not to mention the Syrian army’s massacres (which he refers to as mistakes) of Palestinian refugees in the very same years he evokes.

In the second and third components, he brings up Syria’s position in the region as part of the resistance axis. Does he not know that Syria’s position of so-called resistance is only a political strategy to get a better deal with Israel and the US? Did the Syrian regime not cooperate with the US in hunting down “terrorists” and in securing the Syrian-Iraqi border? Did he forget that it was Hafez al-Assad who refused Jadeed’s directive to intervene in Black September and save the Palestinian guerrilla fighters in Jordan?

In the fourth component, Nasrallah distinguishes the Syrian regime from those of Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, and Tunisia in that the Syrian regime is very serious about reforms and fighting corruption, and therefore they should be given a chance to enact those promised reforms “through dialogue, not clashes.” Well who’s the one rolling tanks into besieged cities, cutting off their water, electricity, and food supplies? Does he not see who’s the one doing the clashing? Of course he does, and that makes him a hypocrite and a liar.

In the fifth component, he affirms that the majority of Syrians (based on trusted information) are still supporting the regime and believe in Bashar’s ability to deliver on his promises for reform. He then asks rhetorically “Who/where are the Syrian people so we can stand by them?”

It is only in the last two components that he provides the true reason for his support of the Syrian regime: “What happens in Syria has its consequences in Lebanon and the whole region. We must take this into consideration…. Lebanon has commitments and treaties with Syria, starting from Al-Taef Agreement to all other mutual interests.”

Based on these components, Nasrallah said that the Lebanese are obligated (stressing that this is simply his point of view; that the Lebanese people can choose to disagree) to take the following positions towards what’s happening in Syria:

1. To be assiduous towards the stability and safety of the Syrian regime, army, and people.
2. To invite the Syrians to maintain their country and regime, and to give them the chance to make the necessary reforms, and to choose dialogue over clashes.
3. To abstain, as Lebanese, from interfering with what’s happening in Syria, unless it was a positive interference.
4. To strongly reject any sanctions imposed by America and the West which require Lebanese cooperation. Lebanon should never stab Syria in the back.
5. To work together and cooperate so that Syria can come out of [the crisis] strong and resistant, because that is in the interests of Syria, Lebanon, the Arab world, and the Ummah.

During the entire segment on Syria, which Nasrallah spoke with great enthusiasm and loud voice, there was no applause or cheers from the massive crowd in attendance. Perhaps even the people there thought the same as what many Arabs around the world who love Hezbollah thought: “I wish you did not talk about Syria at all!”

Not even the most cunning Zionist plan could have come up with a way to discredit Nasrallah the way he did to himself! This is a big blow (perhaps the biggest) to his image and influence as the greatest leader for the Arab cause since Gamal Abdul-Nasser (some even say since Salahuddin 1000 years ago). Regardless of the disagreements in ideology and the specifics of the overall Arab and Islamic cause, he was loved and supported by millions around the world, up until this speech on May 25, 2011 in commemoration of the liberation of the South of Lebanon. I don’t know how would he recover, unless he comes out in public and apologize for disregarding (and silently supporting) the brutal torture, incarceration, and murder of thousands of Syrians.

As for those Syrians and other Arabs who accuse the Syrian protesters of being part of a Zionist/American plot (thankfully Nasrallah did not openly stoop to that level), since when does peaceful protesting get punished with brutal torture and shots to the head? If you guys wish to support the regime in Syria after all the crimes it had committed, then at least have the decency to pretend to be ashamed of yourselves.

Anyone who has tuned in to one of Lebanon’s several Pop radio stations in the past two months is well aware that Shakira will soon be performing for a Lebanese audience.

The renowned Latina, sometimes Lebanese, pop star has been drumming up a promotional frenzy across Beirut’s airwaves. Her campaign, advertized completely in English, promises Lebanon “a global hit superstar in one unforgettable concert, one woman with Lebanese in her bloodstream that has never played before to a Lebanese crowd… until now!!”

What many Lebanese do not know is that this is no ordinary concert. Here is a list of what expectations Shakira will defy with her Lebanon performance, no matter how cliche and ingrained in her “brand” they may seem:

She will miraculously not exploit the national origins of her father, a man born in New York and raised in Columbia, in order to make an economic gain from the Lebanese people.

She will not appropriate Lebanese identity to authenticate a worldly or transnational image.

She will not perform any songs with a terrible Arabic hook or bridge to avoid looking foolish in front of an audience that can recognize, translate and critique the lyrical technique of her work.

She will not Belly Dance as some might misunderstand her use of the craft, a practice that demands that the body and mind collide into a sensational performance of movement and control, as an objectifying sexualization of a socially respected Lebanese custom.

She will not perform “Waka Waka” as a ballad commemorating the 2010 FIFA World Cup, but as the African soldier song from which “Waka Waka” was inspired- an anthem she will dedicate to the brave people who are demonstrating for dignity and justice across the Middle East.

She will not forget to explain why she has never bothered to perform in Lebanon before even though she has always publicized a “pride” in her Lebanese identity.

She will not cater to the thousands of Lebanese-American tourists who are more than willing to mutilate the actual lived experiences of everyday Lebanese citizens into a modern sexualized Orientalist fantasy.

She will not forget to support development projects in Lebanon using the money made from the $300 tickets- admissions equal to many Lebanese workers’ monthly wages.

She will not idealize Lebanon as a “Westernized” country of beauty and mystery, but as a country outside of a globalized binary that is in need of severe change in leadership and political structuring.

She will not identify as Lebanese citing evidence of the “Lebanese in her bloodstream,” because she believes the language used by her PR firm is far too parallel to the language of the Lebanese politicians who have maintained an oppressive familial control of the country’s direction.

Most importantly, she will not idolize blood lineage or misconstrue privileged racial ambiguity for global pluralism.

Shakira will not do any of the above.

The Baathist Syrian president (1966-1970) Salah Jadeed deployed Syrian infantry, along with the Syrian-based Palestinian militias, to cross into Jordan and join the battle to save the Palestinian militia camps, who were being slaughtered by the Jordanian army in what became later known as Black September. Jordan and Israel responded with fighter jets, and Jadeed ordered Assad (minister of defense) to deploy the Syrian Air Force to counter the attack, but Assad refused, and ordered the infantry forces to retreat.

Jadeed called for an emergency meeting on October 30, 1970, to punish Assad’s insubordination, only to find himself being deposed in two weeks later by the Assad-led coup d’etat, and thrown in prison until his death. Assad, considered by many (including the Baath Party cadres), to have been a pragmatic centrist who had a strong distaste to Jadeed’s and Nasser’s leftist/nationalist “adventurous” agendas. And ever since Assad (and later his cub) usurped power, Syria had shifted to the politics of opportunism, as can best be showcased in Lebanon:

1970 ~ 1975 — Syria arms Palestinian militias based in Lebanon to act as a counter force to both Israel and the Lebanese government.

1976 (January) — Syria suggests entering Lebanon to “contain” the growing power of Palestinian militias, which they have armed and empowered themselves. The Lebanese government and right-wing elements welcome and support the Syrian proposal, as clashes between the left (Palestinian groups, Druze-led Socialist party, communist and nationalist parties, etc) and the right (religious Christians, several nationalist parties) begin to erupt.

1976 (June) — Syrian forces enter Lebanon to save weaker “Christian” villagers from a “leftist” attack. The Syrian military assault, with the recently formed “South Lebanon Army” (originally created to protect Lebanese “Christians” from Palestinian militias), continues until a ceasefire is reached in October. By then, the Palestinian militias and their Lebanese allies have been severely weakened.  In return for this ceasefire, Syrian military occupation of Lebanon is legitimized by the Arab League and allowed to expand and receive funding from all Arab countries.

No one, especially a Palestinian, must ever forget this history — when (after Nasser’s mysterious death and Assad’s coup d’etat, both in 1970) the Arab League conspired to pummel what was left of the Palestinian resistance, after having received the major paralyzing blow from the Jordanian Army in 1970.

1978 — Israeli forces invade the south of Lebanon and form a coalition with the South Lebanon Army. By this time, Syrian forces notice the shift in power towards Israel and its new “Christian” ally, and thus they switch back to supporting the Palestinian militias and their leftist allies, as in their battle in 1979 against the “Christian” Lebanese Forces.

And with the Israeli full invasion in 1982, and the peak of the Lebanese civil war with the appointment of General Michel Aoun as head of a military government in 1988, the ensuing battles in 1989 and 1990, intermitted with the Taef agreement that enforced sectarianism in Lebanon and legitimized Syrian military presence as de facto protector of the treaty, Aoun’s resistance against Syrian occupation that ended with his defeat and exile in 1990; the Syrians were there, with their dreadful, viral mukhabarat (intelligence), continuously switching sides while keeping the main objective of maintaining the balance of power among all Lebanese factions, cornering them into a stalemate.

The Israelis and their backers, however, have been trying, since their defeat and withdrawal in 2000, to rig that balance in their favor. In 2005, with Rafik Hariri’s mysterious assassination, Zionists thought they have successfully managed to achieve power shift. But, almost as a retaliation for their withdrawal from Lebanon that year, the Syrians have played an integral role in arming Hezbollah into a level so advanced that they could maintain an effective repellent against Israel, without Syrian military presence.

The Syrians, of course, are not doing this out of their love for Lebanon, Hezbollah, Palestine, freedom, dignity, or human rights, and certainly not out of hatred towards Israel or the US. They are doing it for the same reasons they have taken every political decision for the last forty years: geo-political survival and power attainment.

All this talk about Syrians being pro-Palestinians and pro-Hezbollah is nothing but rhetoric (like when France opposed the war on Iraq). And the reason Israel did not have a Camp David with Syria is not because the Syrians opposed treacherous peace talks or the idea of “land for peace.” It was because the Syrians, unlike the Egyptians, did not pose (nor venture into posing) a military threat to Israel. Why should the Zionists relinquish such a strategic location like the Golan Heights, if there wasn’t a force on earth that could make them? No one in the Syrian government is losing sleep over the Golan occupation.

NATO Adopting Syrian Methods

NATO’s plan in Libya, as we can see so far, seems to be assimilating the Syrian Machiavellian project in Lebanon. NATO forces (and the nations behind them) did not show any interest in actually defeating Qaddafi or leading to the collapse of his regime. Instead, the goal seems to be to give the anti-Qaddafi regime (yes, it is now officially a separate regime, recognized by several nations) in the “east” enough leverage to be able to stand on its own; to become a formidable opponent to Qaddafi.

Reports have shown NATO operations concentrated in the eastern part of Libya, as though they’re trying to cleanse it from Qaddafi brigades, to clear the path for probable partitioning of the country. In the western part, however, NATO did not intervene on behalf of the besieged rebels. There is zero evidence that this NATO intervention has anything to do with humanitarian considerations. As long as the number of Libyans dying in one camp is almost equal to the number dying in the opposing camp, things seem to be going according to mission.

The main objectives of this operation seem to be identical to all former operations on behalf of these super powers: the prolonging of the profit-generating war. Like the popular video game “Counter Strike,” it doesn’t really matter who teams up with the “Terrorist” team or the “Counter Terrorist” team, because the objective of the game is not ideological, but to play!

American CIA protecting Palestinian Black September “terrorist” Ali Salameh from being killed by the Israeli Mossad? The Soviet Union supporting Palestinian militias and resistance movements, while simultaneously recognizing the State of Israel? The British shaking hands with Qaddafi (the alleged mastermind behind the Lockerbie bombing) to sign oil deals, then voting for UNSC resolution 1973 to bomb Qaddafi forces? … When will people understand that once you’re high up in the game, your loyalty is only to yourself, for your own power and wealth? And that whoever displays genuine ideological loyalties of any kind is going to get excluded from the game at some point?

1 – Israel is in full control of the occupied territories from the Jordan river and border in the east to the Mediterranean Sea, Gaza, and Egyptian border in the west; deep into the Golan Heights and the Lebanese border in the north.

a) The entire Jordanian border is secured not only by Israeli forces, but also by Jordanian military and security apparatus, funded and trained by the CIA and Mossad, under the command of a regime whose loyalty to Israel and its security is on par with the most extreme Zionist ideologues. In fact, the Jordanian regime is fully aware that its security is based on Israel’s security. So it’s not as though they have much of a choice.

b) The Egyptian border is not as well controlled, but that is not at all unplanned. Hamas et al., in Gaza, are tacitly allowed to smuggle weapons and weapon-making materials through an Israeli-measured niche, to provide them with just enough toys to continue the low-intensity conflict which justifies Israel’s occupation and control of the 1967 territories.

2 – The Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are practically in a vegetative state. Israel maintains this status quo by choking Palestine’s neck with one hand, while simultaneously shoving a respirator tube down its throat to make sure it does not die. That means Israel arrests, tortures, bombs, kills anyone who resists its brutal occupation in all shapes and forms, while simultaneously it chooses not to cut off electricity, water, telecommunications, sewage treatment, etc. The Palestinian economy has a plug, and it’s under full Israeli control.

3 – Should Hamas, or any other Palestinian group, violent and peaceful alike, become troublesome to Israel’s existence and dominance, all Israel has to do is pull that plug (as it has done before). The formula is very simple: the more Palestinians fight back, the stronger Israel’s grip becomes on their necks. The more sublime and cooperative they become, the looser Israel’s grip gets. Asking a Palestinian (inside Palestine) to fight Israel to “free Palestine” is like asking a mosquito to bite its way out of a steel safe. It’s not going to happen.

What Palestinians “inside” can do to help free Palestine

To speed up the emancipation of Palestine, the best thing Palestinians can do on the inside is dissolve the Palestinian Authority (PA), its security apparatus, and its legislative and executive councils. This might turn out to be as difficult as undoing Israel itself, since the PA (regardless of who’s voted into it) is part of Israel’s choking grip.

The primary efforts of all Palestinians and international activists inside Palestine (both 48 and 67) should be aimed at impeding or halting settlement expansion, by any means necessary. Any issue that supersedes the settlements is a diversion of attention and efforts. These settlements are the cause of all Palestinian suffering, and their dismantlement is the key to Palestine’s emancipation. If the PA tries to prevent such activism (even if through diversion), then it is to be dealt with the same way an extension of the Zionist arm is dealt with, no better or worse.

Who can (and has the will to) free Palestine?

In terms of capability, and given that Israel’s borders do not expand any farther, any nation outside Israeli borders is fully capable of freeing Palestine. This does not mean, however, that it is willing to do so.

Thus, what needs to be worked on, especially for bordering nations (Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan, etc.) is to foster and emancipate (not manufacture) that willingness. The majority of Egyptians, Syrians, etc. do not lack the will nor the capability; but the true, capable leadership that represents their will (yet to get the chance to see the light of day). The Zionists are very aware of this, and thus they invest politically, economically, and militarily to maintain Israel’s tight seal on those nations through puppet regimes.

So before there is any talk about freeing Palestine, we must first free neighboring countries from the Zionist invisible hands. The objective is not to go after the puppet (Arab governments) or the puppeteer (Israel), but after the puppeteer’s strings to gain true political independence. Should the puppet or the puppeteer try to stop us, by force, then fighting them, with force, would be a legitimate act of self-defense.

Once again, this is not based on emotional rant. The prime proof is the Resistance Coalition in Lebanon. That is proof that when there is a will, even an inferior militant faction like Hezbollah could find a way to defeat one of the strongest military powers in the world. Keep in mind that Hezbollah and its allies of all religions and ideologies could not have succeeded in expelling the Israelis had other Lebanese borders not been “free” of Israel’s control. It was the open borders between Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, that made defeating Israel not only a possibility, but an inevitability.

The road to liberating Palestine begins in Jordan, Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon. The Israeli nightmare of facing justice will commence when Lebanon’s freedom is reproduced in the other three.

Bay-root

lebanon is where my roots are. it’s where my mother grew up, where she gracefully dodged shrapnel in her sleep, and where she drank homemade arak. lebanon is where she wept, where she laughed, where she loved, where she learned how to roll grape leaves, and learned how to read. lebanon is where my mother dreamt of a different life, without militias, half-assed thugs, and religious fanaticism. lebanon is where she hated.

lebanon is where my roots are. it’s the place from which my father’s family fled and where my tata yearned to return, a place my jiddou never spoke about but always loved. lebanon is the place my father never really knew, the place where my great-grandmother was meant to stay, and the place where i know i belong…sort of.

you can call me ignorant, but my nickname for my current home away from home is “the root.” initially, i chose the name out of convenience; for some reason, i found “root” to be more fun than “beirut.” if this doesn’t make sense, please don’t be alarmed. i don’t think i fully understand my rationale either.

anyways, after thinking about it more, i have actually developed an affinity for the term “root.” i realized that one simple word articulates my complicated feelings for beirut (or, as i like to write it, bay-root) better than a whole paragraph of words. however, because i can’t expect you to read my thoughts, i’m forced to write the following:

lebanon is the root of my identity crisis, pulling me away from my comfortable midwest lifestyle towards something a little less…comfortable. having found myself stuck somewhere between arab and american, lebanon demands that i exchange fully-functional stoplights for chaotic streets filled with old mercedes-benzes, hustling children, and bored soldiers. bay-root demands that i forfeit late-nite taco bell trips for decadent fruit cocktails, dr. dre’s chronic for nasrallah’s hash, and my sense of stability for a strong dose of reality.

bay-root is the root of the arab world’s crises, a place where sectarianism and nationalism fucked and birthed a nightmare, the place where thousands shed their blood for nothing, the place where massacres happened at the hands of heartless men driven by fear, desperation, and hate.

but, bay-root is also the home of revolutionaries, the place where anonymous women became valiant martyrs, the place that helped give birth to the Resistance, and the place that comforted the aching hearts of widows, widowers, and orphans.

the root transcends nationalism, fictitious borders, and schizophrenic sectarian identities. as a new generation of arab revolutionaries continues to push forward against seemingly insurmountable odds, the root is a source of pride, inspiration, and hope, like its sister cities haifa and alexandria. i look forward to the day when we collectively free ourselves from the chains of national borders, occupation, colonization, and political despotism, and are able to simply enjoy our roots.

This post was first published on Out of Academia, a dope blog started by one of my closest partners in crime, Jenine.

Ah, flash mobs. Well, okay, this was a planned, choreographed and well-filmed video meant to go viral, but it was fun to watch nonetheless.

[tarboush tip: amit]

Hizballah's flag and Lebanon's flag, side by side

Located in A’mel Mountain in South Lebanon, Mleeta overlooks the Iqlim al-Tuffah region north of the Nabatiyeh and the Sujod hilltop. Throughout Israel’s occupation of Lebanon, which began in 1982 and “ended” in May 2000, Hizballah guerrillas used the site to launch offensives against the South Lebanon Army (Israel’s proxy Lebanese force) and the Israeli Occupying Forces that patrolled the occupied “security zone.” Mleeta’s strategic significance cannot be overstated; had Hizballah lost control of “jabal A’mel” to the South Lebanese Army or the Israeli Occupying Forces, Hizballah’s stronghold at Safi Mountain would have been exposed and the entire Resistance would have been jeopardized.

Because of its importance, Mleeta attracted thousands of young men that were willing to die for their families’ safety and for Lebanon’s freedom. Despite Israel’s repeated attempts to besiege the stronghold, Hizballah’s guerrillas remained steadfast and used their knowledge of the terrain to turn Mleeta into a virtually impenetrable buffer, which played an arguably integral role in restricting Israel’s “security zone” in South Lebanon.

The entrance fee to the museum is a little over a dollar (2,000 Lebanese Lira) and once inside, you have unfettered access to all of the facilities. The majority of the exhibits are outdoors and give viewers a detailed look into three aspects of Hizballah’s history of resistance against Israel.

Israeli weapons displayed inside the Exhibition

The first two exhibits are called the Exhibition and the Abyss, and are devoted to Hizballah’s “victories” over Israel. The Exhibition, which is located inside of a concrete building, displays various war trophies and Israeli military equipment collected since the 1982 invasion. Everything from body armor to short-range missiles to night-vision binoculars: Hizballah has it all. What may be the most impressive aspect of the Exhibition, however, is the humongous display securely fastened to one of the building’s walls. In Arabic, Hizballah successfully mapped out the IDF’s complicated internal structure, including its chain of command, and gives detailed descriptions of the IDF’s various divisions. According to my guide, much of this information remains a secret and is certainly not considered common knowledge.

Right outside of the Exhibition is the Abyss, a huge man-made crater that features dozens of Israeli tanks, artillery, long-range missiles, and other over-sized weaponry. The exhibit’s landscape, which mimics that of a war-zone, covers almost 4,000 square meters. In the middle of the Abyss lies the Merkava-4 tank, the so-called pride of the Israeli military. For Hizballah, the Abyss and the Exhibition demonstrate Israel’s physical vulnerability and prove that Israel’s sophisticated weaponry can be easily defeated through “the resistance willpower and steadfast faith.”

The Abyss

The second two exhibits are called the Path and the Cave, and they illustrate how Hizballah guerrillas used Mleeta’s unique terrain to attack Israeli and SLA troops. The path is 250 meters long and is surrounded by dense brush, tall trees, and bushes. Used machine guns, barbed wire fencing, and automatic rifles can be seen scattered throughout the area in an attempt to reenact actual battle scenarios. My guide explained that during periods of heavy fighting, Hizballah guerrillas would set up tents in the forest and spend months on end in constant battle with Israeli and SLA gunmen.

The Path

The Path leads you straight to the Cave, an inconspicuous hole within the mountain that, at first glance, seems quite shallow and modest. After stepping inside the Cave, however, I quickly realized that my initial impressions could not have been farther from the truth. According to the guide, over one thousand volunteers spent more than three years digging – by hand – a cave 200 meters deep. The Cave provided shelter for over 7,000 young men and featured various rooms, including a prayer room, a kitchen, and a headquarters for the commanding officers. After seeing an old IBM computer inside the Cave’s headquarters, I asked my guide why Hizballah had not switched to Macintosh yet. With a half-smile, he responded, “We prefer Windows.”

The Cave's kitchen

After exiting the cave, you find yourself on top of the Outlook, not an exhibit in and of itself, but a point from which you can see many of the areas Israel formerly occupied. The view is both breath-taking and comprehensive; on a clear day, you can literally see for miles. It was at that moment that I fully understood why Hizballah fought so hard to maintain a strong presence on Mleeta.

The last two featured exhibits are the Liberation Field and the multipurpose hall. Unlike the Path, the Liberation Field is an “open field for gathering and resting” and displays some of Hizballah’s larger weaponry around its periphery. The message is clear: had it not been for Hizballah’s resistance against Israel and her Lebanese collaborators, summarized by the previous exhibits, the South would never have been liberated. The space also includes a wall meant to serve as a mihrab, or prayer corner. Attached to the wall are excerpts of Hassan Nasrallah’s speeches during Israel’s 2006 assault on Lebanon, in which he lauds the Resistance for its courage and reassures Lebanon that her sacrifices were not made in vain.

Inside Mleeta’s multipurpose hall, I drank tea and watched a short, 12-minute documentary about Hizballah, which included intense fighting scenes from Mleeta. The hall itself was impressive, and could have easily fit several hundred people (large enough for a modest Arab wedding).

Mleeta is not only one of the most fascinating museums I’ve ever visited; it is a stark reminder of the sacrifice thousands of young men made to realize South Lebanon’s liberation, and the brutality of Israel’s nearly two-decades long occupation of Lebanon. Of course, the Resistance Museum is inherently politicized. Given Lebanon’s current political crisis, which revolves around Rafik Hariri’s mysterious assassination and Hizballah’s independently armed militia, there is no doubt that Hizballah memorialized Mleeta with the hope that it would remind people why the Resistance is still important. Nevertheless, Mleeta is a must-see for anyone that finds herself in Lebanon.

Since protests against Mubarak’s regime began on January 25th, 2011, dozens of Lebanese gathered outside of the Egyptian embassy in Bir Hassan almost daily, standing in solidarity with their Egyptian brothers and sisters. On several occasions, members of Lebanon’s Internal Security Force (ISF) clashed with protesters in an apparent attempt to disperse popular gatherings organized by leftist, non-sectarian organizations, like the Lebanese Communist Party and the Union of Lebanese Democratic Youth. After Mubarak absconded to his posh villa in Sharm al-Sheikh last Friday, Lebanese celebrated outside of the Egyptian embassy by firing guns and fireworks into the night sky.

Support for Egypt’s revolution was certainly not limited to leftist youth organizations. On Monday, February 7th, Hassan Nasrallah praised Egypt’s revolution, stating that the protests restored the “dignity of the Arab people.” During his televised address, Nasrallah stated his desire to join the hundreds of thousands gathered in Tahrir Square, but also made it explicit that Hizballah had no intention of interfering in Egypt’s “internal business.”

Despite the fact that Egypt’s revolution enjoyed support amongst many Lebanese, it is unclear what impact the popular uprising will have on Lebanon’s tense political situation. While newly-appointed Prime Minister Najib Miqati struggles to organize a cabinet that includes members of the March 14th movement, supporters of Saad Hariri and March 14th used the sixth anniversary of Rafik Hariri’s assassination as a platform to voice their frustration with Hezbollah, Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement, and those Sunnis that have chosen to align themselves with Miqati. Standing alongside notorious fascists Amin Gemayel and Samir Geagea at an invitation-only event honoring the memory of his father, Saad Hariri made a speech in front of thousands in which he questioned the legitimacy of Miqati’s appointment, criticized Hezbollah’s arsenal, and reiterated his support for the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, or STL.

More likely than not, Miqati will be forced to create a government in which March 14th is not represented. On the one hand, this wouldn’t be a bad thing at all, considering that Miqati technically doesn’t need anyone from March 14th to make his government constitutionally legitimate and representative of Lebanon’s Sunni Muslim population. Whatever mandate to which Saad Hariri feels entitled is a direct result of his father, and has nothing to do with his own political prowess, popularity, or leadership.

On the other hand, by not including March 14th members in his cabinet, Miqati stands to exacerbate the already volatile situation that exists between March 14th’s Sunni membership and the Shiite Hizballah, which disagree over the legitimacy of the international investigation into Rafik Hariri’s assassination. Many expect the STL to indict Hizballah members, a scenario which will almost certainly trigger violent clashes between Hariri loyalists and Hizballah guerrillas.

The last time more than one million Lebanese gathered in Beirut was on March 14, 2005. Then, they demanded Syria’s immediate withdrawal from Lebanese territory. Although Saad Hariri would eventually use the historic moment – inappropriately, I may add – as the impetus behind the Bush-supported March 14th coalition, hundreds of thousands of Lebanese from across various sectarian identities and political loyalties came together in a moment of national unity. Today, the Lebanese need to take inspiration from their Egyptian and Tunisian counterparts and rekindle the same energy that brought an end to Syria’s military presence in Lebanon. They must demand that Lebanon abandon a political system that unequally distributes power along sectarian lines. Until that happens, Lebanon will forever be mired in political turmoil, tension, and uncertainty as recycled politicians prioritize sectarian interests over Lebanon’s stability.

As George Galloway said in his unforgettable interview on Sky News, Nasrallah’s reputation has grown exponentially among all Arabs, Muslim and Christian. This admiration began with the Israeli humiliating defeat and withdrawal from the South (of Lebanon) in May of 2000. When he was interviewed on Al-Jazeera a few months prior to that surprise victory, Nasrallah was asked by the interviewer in an almost sarcastic tone why he kept on fighting the Israelis when they possess the fourth mightiest army in the world. How could a small militia like Hezbollah ever achieve anything where all the Arab states’ cavalry (combined) failed? Nasrallah responded in his serene voice, that he is not delusional and that he knows the full might of the Israeli army. However, Hezbollah’s fighters have been successful in causing this Israeli giant to bleed, Nasrallah said. Whenever the giant seals the cut, they slash again, reopening the same wound, and continue to repeat this until the giant realizes that it’s better to get his leg out of the South (end the occupation of Lebanon).

In the last year of Israeli military occupation of the South, Hezbollah’s guerrilla operations exceeded two thousand. Some footage of these operations was aired on Hezbollah’s Al-Manar TV channel as part of their psychological warfare, focusing on scenes of young Israeli soldiers killed and wounded, screaming for help. The giant was certainly bleeding, and anyone today who still doubts that Israel was forced out of Lebanon is as delusional as those who couldn’t believe that Hezbollah defeated Israel in the July War of 2006.

Hezbollah supporters

Nasrallah had said in one of his famous speeches (improvised as always) that Hezbollah’s choice to resist is not a political choice, not a nationalistic choice, not a Shiite choice, not an Islamic choice, but that it is the choice of every human being who wants to live free. To verify whether Nasrallah meant what he said, or whether he was just another Arab demagogue, one must look at Hezbollah’s actions, and their consistency with their rhetoric. Unlike any politician in Lebanon or America or elsewhere, what Nasrallah said, he did. What he promised, he delivered. The record has been infallible, and the ideology has been clear and consistent from day one.

Thanks to Hezbollah, this image of the Zionist that had been painted in the heads of Saracen children for decades, an image of an invincible, clandestine puppeteer who’s behind the curtains of every conspiring organization and superpower in the world, and the rest of the bullshit one can find in the plagiarized Protocols of the Elders of Zion, has been shattered. In the July war of 2006, Israel ended up seeking the “international community” to intervene on its behalf, to save its face (or whatever is left of it), and ask Hezbollah to stop! The Israeli infantry and artillery could not advance more than two kilometers into Lebanese territory for the entire thirty-three days of war. For the first time ever, the Arab world witnessed, live, an Israeli warship (Saar-5) get struck by a guided missile (Fajr 1), setting it on fire and forcing it and the other still functioning battleship to turn around back to the Israeli port.

As Nasrallah said in his latest speech, Israel can no longer afford to have a growing power like Hezbollah at its borders, and would do anything in its diplomatic, political, and technological arsenal to, at least, weaken Hezbollah, for the inevitable upcoming war. Israel cannot bear another defeat, and Nasrallah had sworn that the next time Israel shells Beirut, rockets and missiles will rain over Tel Aviv! And the Israeli intelligence confirmed Hezbollah’s capability to do so!

Nasrallah is resembling Salahuddin more and more by the day. Like Salahuddin, Nasrallah is supported by Muslims and Christians of all sects, some of whom had formed alliances with Hezbollah. Nasrallah vowed to fulfill the party’s objective to defend and protect every Lebanese citizen regardless of sect or creed, and vowed to free Palestine from the European Crusaders (Israelis), when the right time comes, as Salahuddin did one thousand years ago.

Whether you are a Sunni, Shiite, Durzi, Maronite, Catholic, Orthodox, agnostic, or atheist, this is the time to show solidarity with truth; the truth that knows no political, religious, or ideological affiliation. To a secularist, an Islamist party like Hezbollah might not suit their politicial or ideological taste. But this isn’t about taste. It’s about digging deeper into everyone’s personal beliefs to find the undeniable truth: we have a Saracen spirit that refuses to kneel down to the oppressor, and it has found momentum in the body of a group that happens to be Lebanese and devout Shiite. And like Norman Finkelstein said, you don’t have to believe what Hezbollah believes in order to be in solidarity with them. You would be in solidarity with that Saracen spirit, not Hezbollah’s ideology. And in the face of international conspiracy and plot, they do need all the support one can give to keep the momentum.

“Whoever witnesses wrongdoing [oppression], change it with your hands [pick up a rifle and fight]. If that’s not possible, then with your tongue [demonstrate, raise your fist in the air, and speak out in public]. And if that’s not possible, then at least [stand with the righteous] in your heart, for that is the least (expression) of faith [solidarity].” ~ Prophet Muhammad.

As the Chinese say, no matter how much you prepare and how badly you desire, there are factors bigger than you. It is the sky (time), earth (location), and people (harmony) that determine the results of your desires. And today, the sky, earth, and people have all aligned in Hezbollah’s universe.

Julia Boutrous shall sing her glorious songs and Marcel Khalifeh shall play his divine music; a Palestinian kid shall throw another rock, and the bakers shall bake their bread to feed the hungry…. Each must do what his or her sky, earth, and people allow. But whoever and wherever you are, the sky for solidarity is now. It is always now.